The Problems of Accountability in an Age of Mass Surveillance
Paul Lashmar
University of Sussex
If you go to
the Cryptome website submissions for the 10 February 2016 you will find a
document marked GCHQ Malware /Boing Boing. It is a GCHQ document “HIMR Data
Mining Research Problem Book” shared by the Five Eyes and one of the documents
leaked by Edward Snowden that has been released into the public domain. It is
marked ‘UK TOP SECRET STRAP1 COMINT US/CAN/NZ/UK/US EYES’.
Snowden says
of the document: “This GCHQ research report dated 20 September 2011, co-written
by researchers at Heilbronn Institute for Mathematical Research HIMR based at
the University of Bristol, concerns the use of data mining techniques to
develop usable intelligence as well as the contradictions that arise from the
use of algorithms to identify wrong doers, or potential wrong doers. The paper
also provides a great deal of background information on GCHQ operations and the
detailed discussion of network theory demonstrates the power of metadata
collection.”
Putting
aside academic involvement in intelligence, the issue this document brings to
the fore is this: Here is a 99 page document on big data problems for GCHQ and
the complexity of the programmes, methods and mathematics it refers to is such
that you would have to have a good level of knowledge of GCHQ projects and a good
grasp of relevant programming and associated maths to make much sense of the content.
And this document was written for a wider than a specialist audience! I chose this document not at random, as I was
just updating myself with what had been recently added to Cryptome, but because
it struck me it is an example of how difficult it is to monitor the modern SIGINT
intelligence service. Of course, even if you went back to Alan Turing and
Bletchley Park you would find programming and maths problems that few but
specialists could have grasped. It is question of scale. GCHQ has expanded
massively in the last ten years as has its data capture capability and what we
now have is part of a huge intelligence-industrial complex that spans not only
the Five Eyes countries but also the 35 partner countries. There is a huge
array of highly technical programmes and developments underway – all with
implications for the way we live. There are huge vested financial interests in
the development of surveillance technologies and this in itself needs
independent scrutiny. There is growing evidence that aside from passive data
collection intelligence agencies have powerful interventionist capabilities.
Even more worrying is the engagement with behavioural intervention, encouraging
people through covert programmes to change their behaviour.
It is
fortunate that Boing Boing
website, which originally released the document, have given a reasonable
account of what it means.
Nonetheless
the document demonstrates the problem of comprehension for external oversight. After
monitoring intelligence for four decades I would suggest history teaches us
that the intelligence community almost always exceeds its powers where the
official oversight is weak - and it always is. Home Secretary Theresa May’s
admissions in October 2014 indicate that GCHQ bulk collection was most likely
illegal but Government supported. So where does that leave accountability and
oversight? The most consistent and effective oversight mechanism has been the media.
But the economic forces at play in the news media mean there are now only a
handful of national security reporters. I doubt if any have struggled to make
sense of HIMR Data Mining Research
Problem Book or its implications. The BBC’s national security reporting which
should be exemplary is instead notably for its lack of critical analysis of the
intelligence community.
So what
about the official intelligence oversight? The dominant body is Parliament’s Intelligence
and Security Committee. In the ISC report of February 2013 – thus pre Snowden -
which, in effect, supported the government’s position that a Communications
Data Bill - “the Snooper’s Charter” - was needed, there was no mention of mass
collection of data, nor had there been in the ICC’s report of 2011. It was
Snowden’s leaks which revealed that GCHQ was engaged in mass data collection. So
did ISC deliberately not refer to bulk collection or did they not know it was
happening? It is a fool or knaves question that needs to be answered. The revised
Snooper’s Charter Mark Two – the Investigatory
Powers Bill (IPB) – again allows for invasive of privacy rights with some
amendments. The current arrangements for intelligence accountability have many
critics, including the UK Parliament’s Home Affairs Committee, who published a
report in May 2014 critical of the current system. ‘We do not believe the
current system of oversight is effective,’ the report said. ‘The scrutiny of
the work of the security and intelligence agencies should not be the exclusive
preserve of the Intelligence and Security Committee.’ Gill echoes this when he
observed: “But we have learnt of highly controversial policies such as
rendition and torture and mass communication surveillance not from these formal
institutional mechanisms of oversight in the UK; rather they have come as a
result of whistle-blowers, legal action and investigative journalists” (2013,
3).
Official
oversight in the UK, he stated, is insufficient: First, because of the
inadequate legal basis for the authorisation and control of UK intelligence
agencies and, second, institutions of oversight are overly-concerned with the
legalities of intelligence practices compared with broader issues of ethics and
public education. Effective oversight will always depend partly on an informal
network of researchers, journalists and lawyers in civil society but a mature
democracy must develop an oversight system with adequate powers and full-time
research staff (2013, 4).
ISC
investigatory capabilities have been poor. In fairness, I am told that ISC is
developing its capability to monitor programming and mathematical side of its
charge’s work. God knows what MPs would make of any of this without help. The
feeble efforts of the Joint Committee on the Draft Investigatory Powers Bill
have been embarrassing when not plain partisan.
At the
moment the little accountability there is, is brought be a range of individuals
at Intercept, Boing Boing and specialists like Duncan Campbell. It is not
joined up. There is clearly a need for an independent grouping that can
organise and sustain the expertise to analyse material like the Snowden
documents to bring effective accountability to the UK’s burgeoning government,
private and academic intelligence community. This in its turn would be the
first step to multinational approach to monitoring the Five Eyes and their
partners.
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