Too much secrecy and lies … again.
In
1972, Hannah
Arendt observed that the danger with over-classification is that not only
are the people and their elected representatives denied access to what they
must know to form an opinion and make decisions, so are the key actors
themselves. She made this observation in relation to the Pentagon papers –
approximately seven thousand pages of classified documents prepared by US
Secretary of Defence, Robert McNamara, detailing the slippery slope of US
engagement in SE Asia. The Pentagon Papers showed that in order to generate
support for its war aims, the US government had lied to Congress and the public
about its reasons for invading Vietnam. Rather than its publicly proclaimed
goals of securing self-determination for the people of S.Vietnam, helping them
defeat Communism, containing China, avoiding the ‘domino’ effect, and
preventing WWIII, the USA had deeper imperial ambitions.
This
debate about secrecy and lying in politics resurfaces in the contemporary era,
regarding the Bush
administration’s torture-intelligence policy (2001-08). Since ‘9/11’, the
Bush administration continuously proclaimed and publicized that Enhanced
Interrogation Techniques (EITs) of al-Qa’eda suspects legally did not
constitute torture while providing life-saving intelligence. To bolster their claim regarding
torture, the Bush administration created secret legal memos that redefined what
constituted torture, so that EITs would fall outside this definition. While
these secret, legal memos have since been made public and rescinded, and EITs
recognized as constituting torture after all, the claim about EITs effectiveness
was left hanging, as the intelligence agencies and politicians kept secret the
evidence on which their claims were based.
Only in
2014 was this claim regarding effectiveness refuted, by the long-awaited,
partial declassification of a US
Senate Intelligence Committee study, concluding the CIA lied to the White
House, Congress and media about EITs' efficacy and brutality. The CIA
refutes these conclusions. We thus have two scenarios regarding EITs
effectiveness, each involving deception. (a) Politicians and watchdog media are
inept and the CIA are effective liars; or (b) the CIA is being blamed to
protect politicians from being held accountable for their torture policy. Given
that politicians secretly changed the legal reality to accommodate their desire
for EITs not to constitute torture, scenario (b) is the more probable.
These twin forces of secrecy
and continuous manipulation of what enters the public sphere make it difficult
to achieve a properly informed citizenry that is aware of what is done in their
name, and for their protection. Wouldn’t achieving a properly informed
citizenry constitute the first step towards a more progressive conception of
security? Wouldn’t this allowing meaningful public reflection on what we would
like and expect our own intelligence agencies to do in our own name, and for
our own protection? Herein lies a stumbling block to the much vaunted debate on
privacy versus security.
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